Sexual division of labor: what it is, and explanatory theories.

Different ways of looking at the origin of gender role differentiation.

The sexual division of labor, i.e., how productive and reproductive work has been distributed according to sex and gender, has long been recognized as one of the most basic forms of social and economic organization in our societies. one of the most basic forms of social and economic organization in our societies..

This discussion has involved everything from feminist movements to anthropologists, sociologists, economists, psychologists and other academics. Studies have focused on both its causes and consequences, and there are many proposals that depend to a large extent on the specific tradition of those who explain them.

The following is a broad outline of what the sexual division of labor is, what theories explain its origins, and how it influences our social organization. and how it influences our social organization today.

What does the sexual division of labor consist of?

When we talk about sexual division of labor we refer to the process by which skills, competencies, values and/or responsibilities have been attributed to a person based on their Biological characteristics associated with one or the other sex. This translates into the division of tasks that are fundamental for social organization, according to what corresponds to someone for being a man or what corresponds to someone for being a woman.

Studies on the sexual division of labor have made it possible for us to analyze why we women are traditionally linked to the domestic sphere, and why we are traditionally linked to the domestic sphere and why men are more linked to the public space, which in turn configures a feminine identity in relation to the values of care (towards procuring the well-being of others), and a masculine identity related to the values of provision (supplying the resources necessary for subsistence).

In this division, the activities of the domestic space have been considered more in terms of moral and biological responsibility, and thus have not been recognized as "formal work" (as paid work). Unlike the activities of the public space related to provision, which are those that are recognized in terms of mercantile productivity, thus having a direct relationship with economic exchange.

In other words, women are traditionally reduced to their biological reproductive capacity, so that their main economic activity is the reproduction of the labor force, and thus has historically been in charge of the care. And men have been understood in relation to physical strength, and with this, they have been assigned the tasks related to public space and economic production.

It is from this division that a series of beliefs, norms and values are generated and transmitted, from which the ideals of femininity and masculinity emerge.

Theoretical proposals on the origins of this division.

The most classical explanations of the origin of the sexual division of labor propose that it arose when human societies ceased to be nomadic (became sedentary), because it was then that the first settlements similar to cities were built, which generated the need to establish collaborative tasks based on reproductive capacities that gave rise to social organization through the family.

However, some traditional studies on gender and work in prehistory have had the effect of legitimizing the inequality that underlies this division, because they present it as something natural and intrinsic to our biology; that is, as a fixed and immovable fact. In the face of this, much of gender anthropology has taught us that, frequently, current androcentric prejudices are exported directly to the understanding of non-Western or "prehistoric" societies. or "prehistoric" societies.

For example, in this area of study, the activity of women gatherers and potential inventors of agriculture has been investigated, but also their activities related to hunting, as well as the possibility of the existence of matriarchal societies in the current European area.

In other words, anthropology has come to break many of the essentialist conceptions when studying the differences between societies that are organized differently from the West, where the roles of care and provision are not the same and are not assigned to men and women in the same way as in the West. For example, it has been possible to analyze how in industrial societies the economy has stabilized on the unrecognized daily work of women. (tasks related to care and domestic space).

Illustrative elements of the sexual division of labor

The sexual division of labor is transformed as the means and relations of production change in our societies. In general terms, Etcheberry (2015) proposes three elements that can serve as a guide to explain gender relations in the labor space and that have an important validity in our days.

1. Intrinsic and extrinsic restrictions to women's labor participation.

In general terms, this dimension refers to the difficulty and inequality of opportunities that women may face when we want to enter the labor market. when we want to enter the labor market. For example, when we have to compete with men for a position, generally in managerial positions or those associated with public administration.

Intrinsic constraints are the internalized beliefs, norms and values that determine the differentiated responsibilities between men and women, i.e. the jobs that men and women are expected to perform in the labor market.

Extrinsic or imposed restrictions are those that come from states and markets, for example, employer preferences, rules of access to and control of resources, technology and knowledge, access to communication and education, among others.

Vertical and horizontal segregation of women in paid work

The term social segregation refers to how access to different spaces is distributed, and from which authorities and resources. In this case it refers specifically to the unequal distribution between men and women within labor markets (although it can also apply to the domestic space).

This is important because there are several forms of segregation that are less visible than others. For example, although statistically women may have greater access to education or to jobs of different types, they may also face other barriers that are a consequence of inequality. other barriers that are a consequence of gender inequality within those jobs. within those jobs.

One of these barriers may be the fact that women have joined the productive sector, especially if it is again a matter of performing caregiving tasks, and also that men have not been incorporated to the same extent into the domestic sphere, which represents a double burden for women beyond emancipation.

The latter has led to various debates on the reconciliation policies to be implemented in different countries, so that the distribution of tasks can be balanced.

In other words, segregation must be understood not only in quantitative terms, but also in qualitative terms.This cannot be understood without considering certain determining categories in social and labor relations, such as gender, class, race, age, among others. There is even a line of research that addresses all this, known as feminist economics of work-life balance.

3. Masculinities and paid work

Masculinity and femininity are part of a historical and cultural process of constructing a historical and cultural process of construction of values, practices, roles and bodies.. Some values generally attributed to normative or hegemonic masculinity are autonomy, freedom, physical strength, rationality, emotional control, heterosexuality, righteousness, and responsibility, among others.

In order to achieve these values, men have to be recognized as such by other people, a matter that occurs to a large extent through the paid work space.

In our societies, the public and productive the public and productive space is generally related to the need to ignore ailments, ailments, illnesses and diseases.The private space tends to be related to care, spaces for children, women, the elderly, as well as to the roles of mother-wife-housewife.

In sum, the term sexual division of labor constitutes an important line of research to analyze our societies and the history of women's oppression. It arises from the criticisms that gender and feminist theories have made of the more classical perspectives on work, which, appearing as neutral, tend to hide the fact that women's activity has been naturalized by its association with sex and gender; activity that, not because it is non-remunerated, ceases to serve as an important factor in the development of the labor market. activity which, because it is not remunerated, does not cease to serve as an important factor in maintaining the organization and the economic system. in maintaining the organization and the economic system on a large scale.

Bibliographical references:

• Benería, L. (1981). Reproduction, production and sexual division of labor. Meanwhile, 6: 47-84.
• Brunet, I. and Santamaría, C. (2016). Feminist economics and the sexual division of labor. IV(1): 61-86.
• Etcheberry, L. (2015). Women in a Chilean mining company: bodies and emotions in masculinized jobs. Unpublished thesis for the degree of Master in Social Sciences, Universidad de Chile.
• Mora, E. and Pujal i Llombart, M. (2018). Caregiving: beyond domestic work. Revista Mexicana de Sociología, 80(2): 445-469.
• Murdock, G. (1973). Factor in the Division of Labor By Sex: A Cross-Cultural Analysis.Caterina Ethnology, 12(2): 203-225.
• Sanchez, O. (2001). The archaeology of gender in prehistory. Some issues for reflection and debate. Atlantic-Mediterranean Journal of Prehistory and Social Archaeology, 4: 321-343.
• Siles, J. and Solano, C. (2007). Social structures, sexual division of labor and methodological approaches. Family structure and the socio-health role of women. Nursing Research and Education, XXV(1): 67-73.